Legislative and Regional Elections in Venezuela: A Process Marked by Uncertainty

Voting center at the Parque Central station in Caracas, on July 28, 2024, the day of the presidential elections. Photo: Elías Ferrer.

Guacamaya, March 12, 2025. In 2025, Venezuela faces a year marked by multiple elections, including the renewal of national deputies, governors, state legislators, mayors, and councilors. This occurs in a context marked by controversies surrounding the recent presidential elections, which, following allegations of fraud, have complicated trust in the electoral system.

On January 17, the legislative and regional elections were scheduled for April 27, 2025, by the National Electoral Council (CNE). However, just a month later, on February 19, the body announced the postponement of the elections to May 25. This adjustment in the date has sparked interest and analysis regarding the possible reasons behind the decision.

The president of the CNE, Elvis Amoroso, justified the change by arguing that it was due to “requests from various actors in the country’s democratic life.” It is important to note that this “comprehensive” call represents the significant renewal of 285 seats in the National Assembly, 23 state governors, and 253 regional legislators in a single day.

However, to date, the CNE has not published the detailed electoral schedule, which violates the provisions of Article 42 of the Organic Law of Electoral Processes (Lopre), as denounced by the NGO Access to Justice. This lack of transparency has also generated uncertainty and criticism from various political sectors and civil society.

Although it has not yet been published in the Official Gazette or on the governing body’s website, we have learned through various sources that several political organizations that will participate in the May 25 elections have received the corresponding schedule via WhatsApp from CNE authorities.

Why have the elections been postponed?

The postponement of the elections has been the subject of various interpretations by political analysts. Some experts suggest that it could be a government strategy to buy time and improve its electoral position. Other perspectives see this decision as an opportunity for the opposition to achieve greater unity and organization.

Electoral expert Eugenio Martínez stated on the podcast “Una Conversa” by La Patilla that the postponement of the elections in Venezuela is due to technical problems faced by the CNE in organizing a transparent and effective process that involves selecting three positions from two branches of government. Martínez also suggested that the date change could be an attempt to give more time to participating parties, in a context where low voter turnout is anticipated.

The president of the CNE, Elvis Amoroso, previously served as the Comptroller General of the Republic. It was from that position that he confirmed the disqualification of opposition leader María Corina Machado, alleging her involvement in a corruption scheme. Photo: Comptroller General of the Republic.

Journalist Alonso Moleiro, in his analysis for El País, highlights that the electoral crisis extends to the shortage of candidates, noting that even minor parties like Arepa Digital have turned to social media to recruit candidates. Moleiro also argues that the advancement of the elections seems to be a deliberate strategy to disarticulate the opposition, taking advantage of its internal divisions.

The NGO Access to Justice also points out that the handling of the dates represents an irregularity, emphasizing that the elections will be held several months before the expiration of the legislative and regional mandates. The institution noted that this is a repeated practice by electoral authorities, who have taken advantage of the absence of a legal norm to set dates favorable to the ruling party.

What are the challenges and controversies?

In addition to the allegations of fraud in the recent presidential elections and the questions about the lack of transparency in the electoral process, the elections in Venezuela face other challenges. Journalist Victor Amaya pointed out in a post on X that, to date, the updated electoral schedule is unknown, the period for the Electoral Registry has closed, the CNE does not have an active website, and it is unclear which parties are authorized to participate.

On the other hand, the secretary-general of the Cambiemos party, Timoteo Zambrano, sees it as “complicated” to hold elections on May 25 “due to technical problems.” “It’s not easy for us to meet that date (…) I’m not sure if we have enough time to hold them on May 25, I have my doubts, but I hope the Council (CNE) can restore the website and that the automated process finally works satisfactorily,” he stated during an interview on Unión Radio on March 6.

In summary, the general elections in Venezuela for 2025 are taking place in a context of various political and technical challenges. The participation of the opposition and the transparency of the electoral process will be key to determining the legitimacy of the results.

Which sectors and parties will participate?

The participation of political parties in these elections has become a topic of intense debate and uncertainty, even within the ruling party itself. Chavismo announced the start of its internal process to select candidates. Diosdado Cabello, Secretary General of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), reiterated the call for the political organization’s nomination assemblies for candidates this Saturday, March 15, throughout the country. The meeting was originally scheduled for February 4, but was postponed due to the change in the electoral schedule

Opposition figures such as María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia, has declared that they will not participate in further elections until the opposition’s claimed victory in the 2024 presidential elections is recognized. Nevertheless, the Plataforma Unitaria Democrática (PUD) announced that its participation would depend on a series of conditions, which, in addition to negotiations to “recognize the truth” of July 28, also include guarantees of transparency and the release of political prisoners.

Opposition leaders and former presidential candidates, (from left to right) Henrique Capriles, Manuel Rosales, and Antonio Ecarri, have called for electoral participation in the elections scheduled for May 25.

Despite these positions, some parties that are part of the PUD, such as Un Nuevo Tiempo (UNT) and Movimiento Por Venezuela (MPV), as well as the faction of Primero Justicia (PJ) led by former governor Henrique Capriles, have urged people to go to the polls. These actors agree that the mechanism of voting is a tool of resistance and that they remain committed to defending the results of July 28.

Other moderate sectors, such as former presidential candidate Antonio Ecarri of the Alianza del Lápiz party and various leaders of Fuerza Vecinal, have confirmed their participation in the upcoming elections, highlighting the importance of voting despite the national context marked by uncertainty.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Alliance parties that are present in the 2020 National Assembly (AN), including Acción Democrática (AD), Copei, Avanzada Progresista (AP), Cambiemos, and Esperanza por el Cambio (Hope for Change), have also expressed their willingness to participate.

Other parties have officially confirmed their intention not to participate in the upcoming elections. One of them is the Communist Party of Venezuela (PCV), a dissident from Chavismo that has alleged “a policy of terror” by the PSUV to “consolidate its electoral farce.” On the other hand, the traditional faction of Voluntad Popular stated that it will “automatically” exclude any member who decides to participate. Neither of these two factions has the possibility of using their symbols due to a judicial decision.

This diversity of positions reflects the different strategies and visions on how to confront Maduro’s government.

What is the international context?

The 2025 elections will take place in a context of international tensions. Recently, the government of Nicolás Maduro has intensified the conflict with Guyana over the Esequibo territory. Last Monday, March 10, the Minister of Interior and Justice, Diosdado Cabello, stated that in the upcoming process, in addition to electing a governor for the state of Guayana Esequiba, 8 deputies and their alternates will also be chosen.

Furthermore, Venezuelan authorities have emphasized the idea that international observation could interfere with the country’s sovereignty. The president of the National Assembly, Jorge Rodríguez, proposed in August 2024 to reform electoral laws to prohibit “never again” a foreigner from “coming to take a position” on elections in Venezuela.

The intention to limit international observation cultivates increased international pressure by reinforcing the idea that the elections could be fraudulent. Countries such as Colombia and Brazil have insisted, following the July elections, on calls for transparency, while the European Union and the United States have continually questioned the electoral processes in the country.

The 2025 regional and legislative elections in Venezuela are shaping up to be a crucial moment for the country’s immediate political future. The participation or abstention of different political actors, technical capabilities, the transparency of the process, and the recognition of the results will be determining factors. The legitimacy and impact of these elections will have repercussions both nationally and internationally.

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